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Harmsworth Magazine (London Magazine) – Indexes to Fiction

The Harmsworth Magazine, later The London Magazine (1898-1915)

34 vols.: July 1898-July 1900 The Harmsworth Monthly Pictorial Magazine

(cover title: The Harmsworth Magazine) August 1900-July 1901 TheHarmsworth Magazine-, August 1901-July 1903 The Harmsworth London Magazine: from August 1903 The London Magazine

Proprietors:

July 1898-1901 Harmsworth Brothers Ltd.

1901-August 1915 Amalgamated Press

Editors:

July 1898- ? Cecil Harmsworth

September 1902 (?)-December 1905 Charles P. Sisley January 1906-August 1915 Unknown

INTRODUCTION

‘Its production should greatly increase the prestige of our business,’ wrote Alfred Harmsworth, later Viscount Northcliffe, in anticipation of the establishment of The Harmsworth Magazine. He was addressing the monthly magazine’s first editor, his brother Cecil, later Baron Harmsworth.1 The business was Harmsworth Brothers Ltd. formed in 1896 with a capital of £1,000,000 and incorporating the existing, and highly successful, Harmsworth non-newspaper businesses – Answers Publications, Pandora Publishing Conpany, Periodical Publishing Corporation and Geraldine Press. The directors were Alfred, Harold, Cecil, Leicester and Hildebrand Harmsworth: the company acknowledged Alfred as founder, Alfred and Harold, later Viscount Rothermere, as conductors of the business; and Cecil as editor. In the conduct of the firm’s publishing ventures Alfred provided the ambition and the business and journalistic flair and Harold a counterbalancing conservatism. Alfred Harmsworth was spurred in his early career by personal and business competition with Sir George Newnes, whose prestige in social, literary and journalistic circles was largely attributable to his proprietorship of the market-leading monthly, The Strand Magazine, established in 1891. The successful entry of the socially ambitious William Waldorf Astor’s The Pall Mall Magazine into the monthly market in 1893 encouraged Alfred’s ambitions of social prestige and influence through a business interest in a similar publication. However those ambitions were finally to be realised more through his newspaper than any of his magazine interests;2 his original conception of a monthly magazine was modified by his own daring marketing strategy and by the financial timidity of Harold.

After studying the perceived rivals to his projected magazine – the sixpenny Strand Magazine, the shilling Pall Mall Magazine and the American magazines, Harper’s, Scribner’s and Atlantic Monthly – Alfred originally proposed a high-class shilling monthly like the lavishly illustrated Pall Mall Magazine. He engaged as editor of this proposed shilling monthly Beckles Willson, an enterprising Canadian journalist who was forging a name for himself in such [periodicals as The Standard, Pall Mall Gazette, The Strand Magazine and The Graphic. The Strand Magazine’s success was largely based on Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes stories; Cutcliffe Hyne, creator of the very popular fictional character, Captain Kettle, was comissioned to write for The Harmsworth Magazine. In 1895 Beckles Willson produced dummies of the magazine only to have the plans shelved: Alfred’s enthusiasm was diverted to the establishment of The Sunday Companion and Harold, distressed at declining sales of Rome Chat and the threat of war in South Africa, was growing alarmed at the costs of preparation (‘£40 a week in overheads and … not the least chance of its coming out for another twelve months’).3 Of the shelving Willson confided to his diary: ‘My reputation will be ruined. Harmsworth has put me in a false position.’4 He resigned the £500 a year editorship. Later in his autobiography he wrote that ‘a bantling appeared bearing the name we had agreed upon, but nothing else of the original conception.’5

When the first number of The Harmsworth Magazine did finally appear in July 1898 it sold sensationally, according to one account 780,000 copies, according to another 820,000.6 Such was the success of the Daily Mail founded by Alfred in 1896 was ‘a penny newspaper for one halfpenny’ that Alfred decided to adopt a similar marketing strategy for The Harmsworth Magazine: it was to be a sixpenny magazine for threepence. In the first issue Alfred implied that a ‘gigantic’ circulation would justify a lew profit margin, that this margin could be balanced against the margins of four daily journals and thirty weekly periodicals, and that new, labour-saving printing technology would reduce unit costs or production.7 The Review of Reviews noted the ‘advertisement’ the new magazine received:

Its appearance was heralded by an elaborate series of announcements in the Daily Mail and other publications, and on the eve of its appearance it received an immense additional advertisement in the shape of a refusal by Messrs. Smith and Son to exhibit it on their [railway] stalls, on the ground that they could not handle a threepenny magazine at a profit unless it was supplied to them at lower than 2¼d. The controversy arising over the action of W.H. Smith and Son added a finishing touch to the boon with which the magazine was launched. As a result Messrs. Harmsworth claim they have sold 820,000 of the first issue, and will not be able to publish the second number until seme time after the regular date owing to the fact that their machines are working night and day to overtake the demand for the first number.8

By November The Harmsworth Magazine was selling for 3½d.9, but Alfred managed to exploit the row with Smith and Sons through its reportage in the Daily Mail and Evening News under headings like ‘Magazine War: News frctn the Front’, ‘What America Thinks of Our Fight’ and ‘The Bookstall War’, and through implying censorship on the part of Smith and Son.10 The Harmsworth Magazine was of a similar format and size to its sixpenny rivals: economies were effected by editorial policies, use of a coarse but nonetheless acceptable grade of paper and, initially, by use of black and white illustrations only. A balance was maintained between fiction and general articles; variety was aimed for and won the magazine favourable reviews.11 The Harmsworth Magazine utilised the existing efficient worldwide distribution network of the Harmsworth organisation; rotary press printing works at Gravesend and Northfleet were specifically designed and built to handle production of it and other substantial publications.12 Alfred Harmsworth’s shrewd understanding of the economies of scale, of the importance of careful market evaluation, and of the value of advertisement and controversy – the foundations of a vast publishing empire – were certainly apparent in his handling of the launch of The Harmsworth Magazine.

The business flair of Alfred was never to be matched by any great flair in the literary editorship of The Harmsworth Magazine,13 later The Harmsworth London Magazine (August 1901) and eventually The London Magazine (August 1903). At the launch Alfred pledged both to encourage new writers and to secure the work of ‘representative’ professional writers: he admitted that the fees commanded by new writers were cheaper than those of established authors.14 While the magazine was finding its steady market and during the First World War, when paper shortages forced reduced profit margins and a price increase from 6d. to 1/-, The Harmsworth Magazine (The London Magazine) relied substantially on the work of unknown writers, whose talents were never to win them critical acclaim or popular success. In the first year of publication Cutcliffe Hyne, and, to a lesser extent, Winston Spencer Churchill and George Gissing were to be the ‘name’ circulation lures. In 1906 and 1915 The London Magazine invited its readers to submit stories, in 1906 for a section called ‘Little Stories Grave and Gay’. This first call for contributions was not a success: the editor reported that of the 300 manuscripts received ‘only two writers gave evidence of any real talent’. These were the Hon. Sylvia Brett and K.C. Callinan [17 (1906/7): 744]. The London Magazine was also to offer the encouragement of publication to colonial writers (G.B. Lancaster, Percival Whitfield, Mabel Forrest and Boyd Cable, for instance) whose stories emphasised adventure, love and local colour. In 1907 The London Magazine ‘ s irregular Empire Stories included tales entered earlier in the London Lyceum Club’s competition for women writers of the British colonies [18 (1907): 101]. Notwithstanding these incentives to new talent the magazine did not nurture its writers in the manner of The Strand’s editor, Greenhough Smith, who helped launch and sustain the prosperity and popular successes of, among others, Conan Doyle, Edith Nesbit and P.G. Wodehouse. F. Tennyson Jesse (presently being rediscovered through Virago reissues) had her early stories in English Review and ‘Viv’ in The London Magazine appear in 1912, but she was to find the scope and encouragement of the English Review more congenial to her talents. The conditions under which editors were employed by Harmsworth Brothers, reincorporated in 1902 as Amalgamated Press, were not such as to encourage significant initiative or exclusive conmitment in the handling of authors.

As would be expected of a magazine which relied on mass circulation, The Harmsworth Magazine published popular fiction: adventure, historical and love romances, ghost and Gothic stories and stories set in exotic places (including the prehistoric past, the future and the British colonies). Two of The London Magazine ‘s subtitles indicate its broad tone: ‘A Magazine of Hunan Interest’ and ‘A Magazine of Empire’. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that while the magazine did not attract many contributions from major writers, it certainly published stories by a representative range of popular writers of the period 1898 to 1915: Louis Becke, Marie Corelli, Conan Doyle, Sarah Grand, Bret Harte, O. Henry, John Oliver Hobbes, Rudyard Kipling, William le Queux, Jack London, Arthur Morrison, Edith Nesbit, Barry Pain, Max Pemberton, Eden Phillpotts, Morley Roberts, Flora Annie Steel, Katharine Tynan, H.G. Wells and P.G. Wodehouse.

The efforts of some well-known authors to write in a commercial vein for The Harmsworth Magazine, or with similar magazines originally in mind, produced fiction often regarded as some of the poorest within their oeuvres. A few cases in point were Arnold Bennett’s The ‘Regent’ and Joseph Conrad’s ‘The Black Mate’ and ‘A Smile of Fortune’. Conrad’s minor novella ‘Freya of the Seven Isles’ was rejected by the Century, Scribner’s and Blackwood’s before it was accepted enthusiastically by The London Magazine. Arnold Bennett, who had lampooned ‘Harmsworthian manners and morals’ in his 1909 play What the Public Wants,15 was to defend his, on his own admission, ‘piece of facetiousness’ in The ‘Regent‘16 by making references to ‘fantastic prices’ contrasting with the economic pressures against writing ‘at no price’ for magazines with ‘small circulations’17; Conrad was impoverished, desperately trying to reconcile artistic integrity with the need to make his fiction more widely marketable, and embarrassed by the praise of The London Magazine editor.18 Thomas Hardy was most distressed that two of his short stories appeared in The Harmsworth London Magazine in 1903. He had sold the serial rights in the stories to Tillotson and Son, a syndicated fiction firm, in the 1880s. ‘A Mere Interlude’ first appeared in the Bolton Weekly Journal in 1885 and ‘The Melancholy Hussar’ in the Bristol Times and Mirror in 1890; both had been widely printed in provincial newspapers and had been collected, but, to Hardy’s fury, his contracts with Tillotson did not prevent such recirculation after collection.19

The styles of fiction favoured and sought by The Harmsworth Magazine may best be indicated by several editorial carments and by seme of its serials. The 1911 editor reccirmended to his readers as a model of short story writing Barry Pain’s ‘Smeath’, a story of the exploitation of the clairvoyant powers of a dwarf while under hypnosis and the dwarf’s revenge:

In the first place, there is not a superfluous paragraph in the story. The action is unceasing, and the climax is inevitable. The restraint in the writing has the effect of adding to the intensity of the situation. There are no ‘purple patches’, and the general effect is that of a gruesome story being told in a monotone. The characters, too, are boldly, almost brutally drawn. (26:298)

The editor’s comments are fairly accurate; the storytelling is quite competent even if the characters are shallow. In Vol. 28 (1912): 273 the editor indicated to his readers a willingness to accept a ‘virile, human story’; Boyd Cable’s Unstable as Water:The Love Story of a Man with a Bad Name (published in book form as By Blow and Kiss) evidently fulfilled these criteria. It was commended as a ‘HEALTHY, VIGOROUS, HUMAN STORY’, the advertisements announcing a ‘vivid and enthralling picture of life in AUSTRALIA’ providing ‘graphic pen-pictures of a great drought on a sheep-station, and of an over-whelming flood which followed; and through it all runs a PALPITATING, HUMAN LOVE STORY’ [32 (1914): 67]. When The Harmsworth Magazine first appeared it contained no serial.
The first full-length serial to grace the pages of the by then Harmsworth London Magazine was Ambrose Pratt’s The Doings of Vigorous Daunt: Billionaire which ran from August 1902 until April 1903. Vigorous Daunt, a swashbuckling adventurer, was joined in 1902 by Martin Hewitt, Arthur Morrison’s popular detective. Other colourful protagonists of London Magazine serials included Harold Begbie’s Andrew Latter, whose mind’s ability to travel through time and space in dream leads to his solving crimes and mysteries (1904 to 1905); Max Rittenberg’s Dr Xavier Wycherley, mental healer (1911); and F. Tennyson Jesse’s ’Viv’, a female adventurer inspired by a piper of Pan, by the ‘high-road and the high seas’ [28 (1912): 708], to reject a marriage proposal and domesticity for a travelling circus. The editor described ‘Viv’ as ‘the last word in modern femininity, piquante and perverse, and with a touch of temperament to add to her charm [28 (1912): 685]. ‘Viv’ was shortlived, perhaps not having found favour with Alfred, who, on occasion, ordered his editors to curtail serials. Alfred’s renowned enthusiasm for new technology was perhaps reflected in the publication of two serials by Dudley Sturrock, one involving aeroplanes (Christopher Peale, Aviator, 1913 to 1914) and the other cars (Pixie at the Wheel, 1914 to 1915). Pixie O’Hara was an intrepid, beautiful and charming reporter forced to earn a living because of family bankruptcy. The London Magazine ’s serials usually comprised self-contained episodes linked by an enterprising protagonist, a policy designed not to tax the memories of the magazine’s existing readers or frustrate new readers. The second and subsequent instalments of Cutcliffe Hyne’s Kate Meredith, which did not neatly conform to an episodic model, were prefaced by expository detail provided by the editor.

A regular feature of The London Magazine during 1911 and 1912 was The London Magazine Complete Novel, stories of novella length printed in single column on rough paper with at most one illustration. H. de Vere Stacpoole, Agnes and Egerton Castle, Max Pemberton, Morley Roberts, Richard Harding Davis, Madam Albanesi, E.F. Benson, Cosmo Hamilton, Bernard Capes, Keble Howard, Algernon Blackwood, Florence E. Eastwick, Jack London, Joseph Conrad, Halliwell Sutcliffe and S.R. Crockett were thus able to place stories longer than the usual market norm of 6,000 to 8,000 words.

One particular story does rate special mention: Philip Gibbs’ “The City of Revolt: The Story of a General Strike’ [26 (1912): 687-718]. The editorial note to the story reads:

Mr Philip Gibbs, the well-known journalist and the author of this story, was a special correspondent in Liverpool during the recent strike, when that city was the storm-centre of the industrial strife. Although this narrative is frankly fiction, it is based on the deplorable realities of which Mr. Gibbs was an eye-witness, and it suggests the course of events which would have followed, almost inevitably, had the strike continued for another week or two. This is, therefore, a story of ‘What might have been,’ and should be read in that spirit. But, though at first sight inprobable, to those with an inkling of the actual state of international affairs at that time of crisis, the solution of the strike offered by the novelist will not appear so absurdly unreasonable. It conveys a warning and a moral which give it value beyond ordinary fiction, for it is also the story of ‘what may happen still’ – if the present spirit of unrest and disorder in the world of Labour breaks out afresh in a more embittered and determined form. (687)

The story created a horrific atmosphere of social dislocation, anarchy, hunger, looting and martial law, but worse, such unrest made the nation vulnerable to attack; the story ended with the British Hnpire being drawn together by war, war being the panacea f:or social tension, ‘testing the stuff’ of the Empire’s ‘manhood’, ‘the old pride and loyalty of the people’, and rallying ‘all classes in defence of their country’ (718). Such facile patriotism was a feature of Northcliffe’s renowned warmongering. Northcliffe did attempt to use publication of specific stories to rally public support for his political views; in 1895 he had coitmissioned Beckles Willson to collaborate with a politically sympathetic naval historian, William Laird Clowes, on The Siege of Portsmouth, a fictional work to demonstrate British naval deficiencies, the particular vulnerability of Portsmouth and the potential valour of the local people in event of war. Alfred was at the time Unionist candidate for Portsmouth in the 1895 General Election; he von notoriety and not the seat for his electioneering efforts. After reading ‘The City of Kevolt’ one wonders though how much encouragement Alfred might have given Gibbs; Gibbs had been disturbed by events in Liverpool20 and as a former editor of page four of the Daily Mail and crony of Alfred’s would have known where to get a sympathetic hearing. British war unpreparedness and the threat of war received sympathetic coverage in The London Magazine with articles like the 1912 ‘In the Case of War’ by Hilaire Belloc. The August 1914 issue of The London Magazine, which went to press before war was declared, contained an interesting article, ‘The German Military Bubble: Who Will Prick It’ by ‘En Avant’ highlighting the deficiencies of German armaments and tactics and reporting the insidious threat to the German army from within: the ‘ever-increasing propaganda of Socialism’ ( 32:7.16) . The Harmsworth Brothers, later Amalgamated Press Publications controlled by Northcliffe bore the inprint of his political rhetoric.

The first editor of The Harmsworth Magazine was Cecil Harmsworth (b. 1869), an academically distinguished graduate of Trinity College, Dublin and also editor of Answers and nominally of all Harmsworth Brothers publications. Given the ever-increasing number of the Harmsworth Brothers/Amalgamated Press magazines and Cecil’s Liberal political aspirations, it is likely Cecil increasingly delegated editorial responsibilities, acting in a supervisory capacity.21 By September 1902 Charles P. Sisley was evidently editing The Harmsworth London Magazine; his initials were to appear under the only signed editorial address, ‘To My Readers’ in The London Magazine in December 1905 (15:632). Shortly after this issue went to press ‘he suddenly walked out of the office without a word of farewell to anyone let alone an explanation.’22 Perhaps Sisley had incurred Alfred’s wrath for having breached editorial anonymity. Sisley had had editorial experience on The Cycle Magazine (1895-1897) and Penny Pictorial Magazine (founded 1899, Alfred’s ‘threepenny magazine for a penny’) and had been one of the contributors to The Complete Cyclist published by A.D. Innes (1897) and edited by Max Pemberton, a close personal friend of Alfred Harmsworth. Alfred’s own early professional editorial experience had been gained on cycling magazines. During the apparent period of Sisley’s editorship The Harmsworth London Magazine had a circulation averaging between 350,000 and 360,000 copies,23 and the magazine was to undergo several changes: it became The London Magazine in August 1903; serials were introduced; the magazine’s focus in fiction and general articles was shifted more solidly to human interest; in December 1903 the price was raised to 4½d. and the bulk enlarged; and a greatly increased number of stories by ‘name’ authors were to be published. Newman Flower, who was to rescue the fortunes of Cassells, praised the competency of Sisley’s editorial skills.24 In addition to editing The London Magazine Sisley was editing the weekly Harmsworth publication on which Flower was sub-editor, and a Harmsworth women’s magazine. Heavy editorial responsibilities in the Amalgamated Press organisation and the ever-present scrutiny of Alfred which manifested itself in complaints about matter, illustrations and titles and summonses to Carmelite House, the Amalgamated Press headquarters,25 were hardly ideal working conditions for any editor. Unfortunately I have been unable, at this stage, to trace any other London Magazine editors.

Other significant changes in editorial policy occurred in 1911: The London Magazine Complete Novel was introduced; leading authors were again approached for contributions; the price was raised to 6d., formerly the price for larger Christmas numbers, and the magazine was enlarged; a regular and anonymous editorial address to readers was introduced, initially appearing under the title ‘Entre Nous’, later ‘Editorial’, and discussing contents, direction, and occasionally authors and inviting readers’s contents on the magazine; a gimmicky short serial was conmenced; and the balance of general articles changed in favour of pieces dealing with contentious and up-to-the-minute issues in ‘ such a way as to render them interesting and informing to the average reader’ [27 (1911/12): 585]. The first article to appear in The Harmsworth. Magazine was ‘Notable Doubles in Real Life’ and the first issue was also to contain an article by Alfred on the making of a modem newspaper. The January 1907 general articles were typical magazine fare: articles on skiing, actresses married to peers, Leeds (part of a British Cities by their own Artists series), the making of an atlas, photographic fakes and theatre events and genial humorous impressions of America and good-natured caricatures of prominent members of the Church and the Bar. New subjects introduced in 1911 ranged from eugenics, Mormonism (‘ a menace to public morals’, the editor, 26: 298), and the origin and cure of cancer, to working women and child labour and the future of exploration (by Sir Ernest Shackleton) . The gimmicky serial was The Sealed Box: a £250 prize was offered for the solving of its mystery. The Complete Novel series and the call to leading authors were to cease in 1912. By 1914 The London Magazine was offering small monetary incentives for readers’ comments.

The London Magazine was to continue publication under that name until October 1930; The New London Magazine was launched in November 1930 and ran until May 1933. This history of The Harmsworth Magazine, later The London Magazine, though, closes in 1915 when the first articles on and fiction of the First World War were appearing and readers of all magazines had been asked to contribute to a Magazine Readers’ 2/6 Fund in aid of H.R.H. The Prince of Wales’ National Relief Fund, an appeal endorsed by leading popular writers [33 (1914/15): 401-402]. Measuring Joseph Conrad’s better fiction against that published in The London Magazine Lawrence Graver was to condemn the magazine as mediocre;26 but while the fiction published in The Harmsworth/London Magazine (1898-1915) is not of the first order, the success of the magazine made it an important former and reflector of popular literary tastes in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods.

A NOTE ON PSEUDONYMS AND ATTRIBUTIONS

Unless otherwise indicated the sources for identification of pseudonyms and for attributions are the British Museum Catalogue, Halkett and Laing’s Dictionary of Anonymous and Pseudonymous English Literature and Bruce Nesbitt and Susan Hadfield’s Australian Literary Pseudonyms: An Index (Adelaide: Library Board of South Australia, 1972).

  1. Reginald Pound and Geoffrey Harmsworth, Northcliffe (London: Cassell, 1959), p. 236. [↩]
  2. Alfred Harmsworth was to found the Daily Mail and the Daily Mirror and to acquire The Observer and control of The Times. [↩]
  3. Quoted in Northcliffe, p. 183. [↩]
  4. Quoted in Northcliffe, p. 236. [↩]
  5. Beckles Willson, From Quebec to Piccadilly and Other Places (London: Jonathan Cape, 1929), p. 35. [↩]
  6. Pound and Harmsworth claim that 780,000 copies were sold (Northcliffe, p. 237), many in draperies and chemist shops; but The Review of Reviews report sales of 820,000 copies [XIV (1898): 170]. [↩]
  7. Alfred C. Harmsworth, ‘Our excuse for the issue of a sixpenny magazine at threepence. … Some reasons why,’ The Harmsworth Magazine, 1 (1898/99): 4-5. [↩]
  8. The Review of Reviews, XIV (1898): 170. The second issue of The Harmsworth Magazine appeared in September. [↩]
  9. The Review of Reviews noted of the first issue that newsagents were selling it at 3id. anyway [XIV (1898): 170]. [↩]
  10. Northcliffe, p. 237. [↩]
  11. The Review of Reviews, XIV (1898): 170, 402. [↩]
  12. Northcliffe, p. 238. [↩]
  13. The full title for the first four volumes (July 1898-July 1900) was The Harmsworth Monthly Pictorial Magazine. The cover title was The Harmsworth Magazine. [↩]
  14. ‘Our Excuse’, The Harmsworth Magazine, 1 (1898/99): 5. [↩]
  15. Arnold Bennett, Letter to J.B. Pinker, 12 Nov. 1908, Letters of Arnold Bennett Vol. 1: Letters to J.B. Pinker, ed. James Hepburn (London: O.U.P., 1966)’, p. 108. [↩]
  16. Quoted by John Lucas, Arnold Bennett: A Study of his fiction (London: Methuen, 1974), p. 167. [↩]
  17. Arnold Bennett, Letter to John Squire, 12 Nov. 1913, Letters of Arnold Bennett Vol. II: 1899-1915, ed. James Hepburn (London: O.U.P., 1968), p. 338. [↩]
  18. The fullest account of Conrad’s dealings with The London Magazine is provided by Lawrence Graver, Conrad’s Short Fiction (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969). [↩]
  19. Hardy wrote to the Athenaeum (pub. 16 May 1903) to disclaim responsibility for Tillotsons’ recirculating of old stories. See Richard Little Purdy and Michael Millgate, ed., The Collected Letters of Thomas Hardy Vol. Three: 1902-1908 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), pp. 48, 66 and 67 for Hardy’s responses to Tillotsons’ actions. [↩]
  20. Described also by Philip Gibbs in his Adventures in Journalism (London: Heinemann, 1923), pp. 198-200. [↩]
  21. Cecil was to be joint editor of the New Liberal Review and M.P. for Droitwich 1906-10 and for the Luton division of Bedfordshire 1911-1922. His parliamentary career was distinguished; on his retirement from politics in 1922 he set about the restoration of Dr Saimiel Johnson’s house, eventually presenting it as a gift to the nation. [↩]
  22. Newman Flower, Just As It Happened (London: Cassell, 1950), p. 25. [↩]
  23. The certified sales figures of The London Magazine January-August 1903 appear in the November 1903 issue [11 (1903/4): 377]. [↩]
  24. Flower, p. 25. [↩]
  25. Northcliffe records many such actions, for example on p. 247 and p. 416. Gibbs, too, discusses the difficulties of working for Northcliffe, pp. 81-88. [↩]
  26. Graver, ‘Conrad’s First Story’, Studies in Short Fiction, 2 (1964/65): 165. [↩]